The March of Patriots: The Struggle for Modern Australia by Paul Kelly

Author:Paul Kelly [Kelly, Paul]
Language: eng
Format: epub
Tags: Australia & New Zealand, Political Science, World, History, Politics, General
ISBN: 9780522857382
Google: EuqFg5dUmgQC
Goodreads: 13197506
Publisher: Melbourne University Press
Published: 2009-01-01T00:00:00+00:00

27

CONFRONTATION ON THE WATERFRONT

Very few politicians will risk their career for their beliefs, but that’s what Peter Reith did.

—Chris Corrigan, April 2008

Peter Reith’s tragedy is that of a man who lost his dream, his clout and finally his career. In Shakespearean fashion Reith was compromised by the weapons he used on the waterfront: the negotiator of 1996 became the agent of confrontation of 1998. Reith had a courage rare in politics that cast him as both hero and demon.

It began with Reith’s drive to reform the Australian waterfront and break the power of the Maritime Union of Australia (MUA), an icon of monopoly union power. The upshot was a reprise of class warfare, a conflagration where the government lost the propaganda contest and provoked adverse judgments from the Federal Court. This brought Reith to a 1998 career crisis. He said:

The Howard government was feeling very fragile. The truth is that when it comes to a real fight few people are ready to commit. I was pretty isolated. When we discussed the situation in cabinet I was surprised that Peter Costello attacked me over the [Federal Court] decision. It’s probably the only thing I cannot forgive him. Unfortunately Downer wasn’t there that day and Amanda Vanstone was just about my only backer [apart from] Howard.1

Reith was the last man to offer his head but he needed a signal of Howard’s support. ‘It was one night at Kirribilli House,’ Reith said.

I reviewed the options with Howard. I trusted him and could talk to him about my own and the government’s situation. I put before him all the options, including my resignation if that was the best political course. Of course, I didn’t think it was the best option and I didn’t think Howard would either.2

Howard would not countenance the loss of Reith. ‘You are not going to resign under any circumstances,’ he replied.3 These men were warriors of many years and Reith was probably the minister closest to Howard. The Prime Minister would not tolerate giving Reith’s political head to the detested MUA—hell would have to freeze over.

Interviewed nearly a decade later, Howard was unrepentant. ‘Reith was doing the will of the government,’ he said. ‘We wanted this reform. Peter felt embarrassed about the way the court action went. We did very badly. I said we are not going to lose an outstanding minister on that account. I think Reith did a fantastic job with the waterfront dispute.’4

For Reith, who saw himself as a future leadership contender, the waterfront offered a contrast with Costello. The cautious Costello would never exhibit the risk and confrontation that Reith entertained.

In an equivocal outcome Reith won a far more efficient waterfront, while the MUA kept its monopoly and lost its bargaining power. Reith was defined as a polarising agent of division, a minister identified with ‘dogs and balaclavas’ for night enforcement. He was seen as ruthless rather than strong. Reith canvassed the resignation option with Howard because, at the time, he had become a liability.

The waterfront battle frightened moderate opinion.

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